Thalaiyalanganathu Seruvendra Nedunchezhian (King Nedunchezhian, who won the war at Thalaiyalanganathu)
C Joseph Vijay borrowed this phrase from iconic Sangam literature while formally launching his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) on October 27, 2024. It was a calculated message to the entrenched DMK and AIADMK: do not dismiss me as a "mere actor" or a "political novice."
Legend has it that Nedunchezhian, a young king dismissed as "inexperienced" by his mighty opponents, ultimately won the battle. "Romba ketta paiyan saar antha chinna paiyan (that young boy was a very bad boy)," Vijay thundered in true cinematic style before lakhs of his supporters.
Today, that chinna paiyan (Vijay) has become a ketta paiyan for the DMK and AIADMK 'big boys' who have ruled Tamil Nadu for decades.
Like Nedunchezhian established his Pandya Kingdom as a dominant power in ancient Tamilakam, Vijay's goal was to emerge as a key political player in modern-day Tamil Nadu.
And, he has now won the war, like Neduchezhian.
Vijay has not merely demonstrated decisively that there was room for another Dravidian party in Tamil Nadu but capitalized on the electorate's yearning for a change, having grown fatigued with the two parties that have alternately governed the state.
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Neither Vijay nor his strategist racked their brains in search of an abstract ideology. He simply declared that he would follow both Dravidian and Tamil nationalist ideologies -- the former being dominant and the latter less subscribed to, yet original to the state. He accepted Periyar's ideals, with the notable exception of his atheism.
With five ideological figures (including two women), a flag signifying the valour of Tamils, campaign songs reminiscent of cinema numbers, and a formal party structure, the core product sold to the people was simply one name: Vijay.
The cult status Vijay enjoys among his supporters was leveraged to the hilt to create a perception that the actor-politician held a magic wand and was the sole harbinger of change. The fact that he didn't even visit all districts in the state after donning the politician's hat didn't deter his admirers.
The strategy was clear from day one: Vijay -- nothing more, nothing less.
"Cult does wonders. It gives an advantage to be at the top, even if you are a fresher. Mark my words. He will be the Chief Minister in 2026," one of his aides had told this DH correspondent way back in 2023, even before Vijay formally launched TVK.
Such was the confidence that his advisors had in the cult around Vijay. His strageists knew Tamil Nadu politics very well that they termed 2024 - the year Vijay launched the TVK -- as a seminal moment in the state politics after 1949 and 1972 when the DMK and AIADMK came into existence respectively.
They also perfectly positioned 2026 as a pivotal year much like 1967 when the DMK overthrew the Congress and established the Dravidian and 1977 when MGR defeated the DMK to govern the state. Vijay's victory is much bigger than the 1967 and 1977 in terms of vote share - both the DMK and AIADMK had existed for years and had experienced leaders but TVK had nothing.
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Every vote that TVK received in this election was for one man. By not allying with anyone, Vijay has demonstrated individual strength that has placed him as the primary force in Tamil Nadu politics.
This phenomenal success will help him stitch together a coalition under his leadership for the 2029 Lok Sabha polls, transforming the state's political landscape.
To be fair, Vijay's arrival and his promise of a share in power disrupted the landscape, with the possibility of a coalition government dominating the political discourse for months. Congress and smaller parties must be repenting on not taking his offer and aligning with him before the elections - they should thank their stars as Vijay needs their support now as he is about 10 seats short of majority.
Vijay even convinced the electorate that his lack of campaigning was due solely to restrictions imposed by the DMK. In doing so, Vijay played the anti-DMK card to the hilt, mirroring the strategies of his cinematic and political predecessors, M G Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa.
Barring a few occasions, he made no serious effort to discipline his cadres who trailed behind his vehicle on two-wheelers; he enjoyed the attention.
This anti-DMK stance, coupled with his "change" plank, appears to have worked. This is where the AIADMK failed to grasp his game plan, or perhaps fell into his trap.
By keeping the party out of the immediate discourse, Vijay continued to cater to the anti-DMK vote bank, the very lifeblood of the AIADMK.
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In the course of two years, Vijay broke several conventions - while the DMK and AIADMK splurged crores of rupees on print, TV, and digital ads, Vijay used social media and the internet to the optimum to reach Gen Z voters and women. His party stopped sending representatives to media debates in February, leaving the outfit literally unrepresented on screen - Vijay has not held a single press conference or given one interview.
While he continued to cater to that demographic at public rallies, his real success lay in mobilising Gen Z to campaign on his behalf among their parents and grandparents.
His appeal to kids to cry the same way they get their Kinder Joy from their parents to persuade elders to vote for him did not go down well with many people, who accused him of using gullible children for his political gains.
Among the CM candidates, the actor-politician campaigned the least, yet he rallied people to the polling booths from his home. Young men and women dressed in white shirts and beige trousers in his trademark attire outside polling stations bore testimony to his influence.
Across the state, it was young men and women who held the TVK flags high and sat as booth agents. This was also the first election in recent decades during which the youth spoke about politics and were vocal.
The messaging was always simple and straight to the point. "I did not enter homes after launching TVK. I launched TVK only after I entered every home during a 30-year career in cinema," Vijay kept saying. Even when political pundits criticised his lack of physical campaigning, Vijay's answer was simple: "Vijay lives in every household. They will vote on April 23."
His cinema-style dialogues, simple appeals like "give me a chance, one chance," and proclamations that he would deliver corruption-free governance did the trick among middle-aged women and those hoping for change.
Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections 2026 | A reporter's diary: Come May 4, will Thalapathy Vijay turn out to be the disruptor, kingmaker or king?His assertion that he doesn't need public money since he has already earned enough, coupled with his signature mannerisms, resonated deeply.
Cult and the Karur episode
It was cult symbolism all the way. Vijay never explicitly explained his ideology, never travelled across Tamil Nadu like his challengers, and refrained from making numerous campaign speeches.
The cult didn't waver even after 41 people died in a stampede in Karur at a rally addressed by Vijay. Even the victims' families stood behind him, absolving the actor-politician of responsibility, yet Vijay failed spectacularly to stand behind them in return.
He returned to his Chennai home the same night as families fell into unexplainable grief. Vijay broke his silence three days later, only to blame the government and absolve himself of any responsibility - this may be seen as politically shrewd by his supporters, but it remains morally questionable.
That he did not even visit the families in their homes, choosing instead to invite them to a luxurious resort near his home in Chennai, will continue to haunt his legacy, notwithstanding his promise to care for their families and the Rs 20 lakh solatium provided. And his party won from Karur.
By winning the 2026 war, Vijay has proved he can dismantle a legacy and now, he must prove he can build one. He is no more the "young boy" who captured the imagination of a generation, but the man helming the Fort. St George, the seat of the power of the Tamil Nadu government.