The Asia Centre's latest report, Religious Fundamentalism in Myanmar: Post-Coup Repression of Gender Rights (2026), was produced under the project Civic Space and Religious Fundamentalism in South and Southeast Asia , supported by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC).
Published in 2026, the report forms part of a five-country study examining how religious fundamentalism intersects with the suppression of gender and sexual minority rights across South and Southeast Asia.
The Myanmar chapter is among the most alarming in the series, documenting how the military junta and Buddhist nationalist networks have become increasingly intertwined, with severe consequences for women, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQI+) people, and the civil society organisations that support them.
The report draws on desk research conducted between March and September 2025, 12 interviews with frontline rights defenders, field visits to Chiang Mai, Thailand, and consultations in Yangon in 2026. It seeks to address a gap in existing analysis of Myanmar's crisis.
While the humanitarian and political consequences of military rule have been widely documented, the role of Buddhist fundamentalism in driving violence and discrimination against women and gender and sexual minorities has received far less attention.
Shrinking Civic Space
The report argues that civic space in Myanmar has deteriorated dramatically since 2021. According to the study, civil liberties, media freedom and online freedoms have all declined sharply, while laws governing security, association and public participation have been increasingly used to suppress dissent.
Myanmar's Freedom House score fell from 30 out of 100 in 2020 to just 4 out of 100 by 2026. CIVICUS now classifies the country's civic space as "closed", while internet and press freedoms have also declined significantly. The report says surveillance, censorship, arrests and restrictions on political participation have become central features of governance.
Elections held between December 2025 and January 2026 were widely criticised by observers, with large areas affected by conflict excluded from voting. The report argues that the outcome further consolidated military control over political institutions.
How the Law Has Been Weaponised
The report identifies four laws that have been used to target women, LGBTQI+ people and the organisations that advocate for them.
The Counter-Terrorism Law, first enacted in 2014 and later amended by the military government, has been used to equate rights advocacy with terrorism. The report cites the cases of LGBTQI+ activists Justin Min Hein and Sue Sha Shin Thant, who received lengthy prison sentences under the law after advocating for gender and sexual minority rights.
The Organisations Registration Law of 2022 requires civil society organisations to register with the state and disclose detailed information about their funding, staff and activities.
According to the report, many women's and LGBTQI+ groups have either ceased formal operations or concealed the nature of their work to avoid surveillance and prosecution. Unregistered organisations also face difficulties accessing donor funding.
The report also highlights the use of provisions in Myanmar's Penal Code. Sections 295 and 295A, which relate to religious offences, have been used against individuals accused of criticising Buddhism.
Section 377, a colonial-era law criminalising same-sex relations, continues to be used as a tool of intimidation during arrests, interrogations and surveillance of LGBTQI+ people, even when formal prosecutions do not occur.
Meanwhile, amendments to the Ward and Village Tract Administration Law have expanded requirements for reporting overnight guests, allowing authorities to conduct inspections, home raids and intrusive monitoring. The report says gender and sexual minority individuals have been disproportionately affected by these measures.
The Online War Against Rights Defenders
Beyond legal restrictions, the report identifies online harassment as one of the most significant tools of repression in Myanmar. It highlights four main tactics: hate speech, incitement to violence, doxxing and AI-enabled surveillance.
According to the report, Buddhist nationalist networks increasingly used social media to target minorities and rights advocates. What began as campaigns against Muslims and the Rohingya expanded to include women and LGBTQI+ activists, who were portrayed as threats to religion, culture and national identity.
The report notes that much of this activity has shifted from Facebook to Telegram, where pro-military and nationalist channels operate with limited oversight.
Women activists and rights defenders have been subjected to coordinated harassment campaigns, including calls for violence, the spread of false allegations and the publication of personal information online.
Doxxing has emerged as a particularly serious threat. The report documents cases in which activists' names, addresses, phone numbers and photographs were shared online, exposing them to harassment, arrest and physical danger.
Even activists living in exile in neighbouring countries report limiting their online activity out of concern for their safety and that of family members still inside Myanmar.
The report also points to the growth of a sophisticated surveillance system that extends beyond social media.
Authorities have deployed AI-assisted monitoring tools, facial recognition technology and large-scale data collection systems capable of tracking individuals through travel records, accommodation data and digital activity. Rights defenders fear these systems are increasingly being used to identify, monitor and arrest critics of the military government.
Physical Violence and Its Perpetrators
The report identifies five interconnected groups responsible for violence against women and gender and sexual minority rights advocates: the military, police, prison authorities, pro-junta militias and civilian mobs, all operating within an environment shaped by Buddhist nationalist ideology.
The military has used force against protesters, civil disobedience activists and those accused of supporting resistance movements.
Respondents told researchers that many perpetrators view their actions not only as defending the state but also as protecting Buddhism and cultural purity. One leader of the Dawei LGBT Community reported that their home was repeatedly set on fire because of their opposition to the regime and LGBTQI+ advocacy.
Police have played a central role in surveillance, raids and intimidation. The report notes that policing has increasingly become a tool for enforcing political and social conformity rather than simply maintaining public order.
Conditions inside prisons are particularly severe. As of April 2026, Myanmar held more than 30,000 political prisoners, including at least 6,400 women.
Detainees reported torture, sexual violence, denial of hygiene products and gender-inappropriate detention. One widely documented case is that of transgender writer Saw Han Nwe Oo, who was tortured in prison and forced to wear male clothing. She later died in 2025 after suffering lasting health complications.
The report also highlights the role of pro-junta militias such as Pyu Saw Htee and Thway Thauk Apwe, which operate as armed extensions of Buddhist nationalist networks.
These groups have been linked to targeted killings, intimidation and attacks on pro-democracy activists, ethnic minorities, women and LGBTQI+ advocates. In some cases, female relatives of resistance members were killed as retaliation.
Civilian mobs represent a fifth source of violence. Mobilised through sermons and social media campaigns, these groups have threatened women reporting abuse involving monks and attacked anti-coup demonstrators.
How Rights Defenders Are Surviving and What's Not Working
Despite growing repression, women and LGBTQI+ organisations have developed strategies to protect themselves, though the report notes that many remain underfunded and unevenly accessible.
Activists increasingly rely on encrypted messaging, VPNs, multi-factor authentication and digital security protocols to reduce surveillance risks.
Some organisations have access to safe houses, emergency relocation support and cross-border protection networks. However, these resources are often concentrated in urban areas or exile communities, leaving activists in junta-controlled regions with far fewer options.
Civil society networks such as the Women's League of Burma, Progressive Voice Myanmar, Sisters2Sisters and Women's Advocacy Coalition Myanmar have expanded efforts to document abuses and coordinate support.
Yet internal divisions remain a challenge. Researchers found that some mainstream women's organisations remain reluctant to engage with issues affecting ethnic minorities and LGBTQI+ communities, leaving many activists isolated.
Funding has become another major obstacle. As conflict intensified, donors shifted resources toward emergency humanitarian assistance. The suspension of major US funding programmes in 2025 and cuts by other international donors forced many organisations to reduce staff, scale back operations or close entirely.
The report also notes the limitations of the National Unity Government (NUG).
While it has publicly endorsed gender equality and appointed women and gender minority representatives, it lacks territorial control and has limited ability to provide practical protection. Many activists in exile continue to operate without legal status, stable funding or adequate psychosocial support.
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