It reminds us of the early part of 2018, when the UDP, under the leadership of Dr Donkupar Roy, emerged as the largest regional party in the post-election scenario. The party had the option of either supporting the Congress, led by Dr Mukul Sangma which was the single largest party then, or the NPP, led by Conrad K. Sangma. Dr Donkupar Roy played his trump card and decided to support the MDA led by the NPP. As they say, the rest is history.
UDP: From Kingmaker to the Brink of Extinction
That single decision marked the beginning of the UDP's decline. Even within the alliance, the party was gradually reduced to the status of a junior partner, treated with little regard and certainly not as an equal in the Meghalaya Democratic Alliance. One only has to watch the videos of speeches delivered by some NPP leaders, available online, to understand the regard the UDP was accorded by its alliance partner. The party was not merely treated as a junior partner; it was openly ridiculed. One NPP leader even described it as "ka party shong tnum bus", referring to those who hitch a ride in someone else's vehicle or, more bluntly, those who are parasitic in nature. For a party that once commanded considerable political influence in the state, this was a humiliating fall from grace.
Dr Donkupar Roy would turn in his grave to see what has become of the party he cherished and helped build. He could hardly have imagined that what he considered a masterstroke in 2018 would eventually contribute to the disintegration of one of the state's most influential regional political forces. The situation has become so precarious that even his own son has walked away from the party that was so dear to his father's heart. Under these circumstances, it is difficult to see how the UDP can ever resurrect itself. The political history of Meghalaya offers little reason for optimism. Several regional parties have emerged with considerable promise, only to fade away with time. The UDP now appears to be heading down the same path, raising the troubling question of whether we are witnessing not merely the decline of a political party, but the possible extinction of a once powerful regional force.
End of regionalism
in the state
The last remaining regional party in the MDA is the HSPDP, which appears to be following the same political strategy as the UDP: positioning itself as a trump card in the event of government formation. Regional parties have gradually lost the trust of the people because there are hardly any genuine regionalists left in their ranks. There are now two types of politicians in these parties. The first are novice politicians, bereft of any political ideology, who enter politics largely because they enjoy the support of voters. The second are defectors, politicians who have left other parties and joined regional parties simply because they offer political convenience.
Gone are the days when the state had genuine regionalists such as the great BB Lyngdoh, HS Lyngdoh, Prof B. Pakem, Dr Donkupar Roy, and Mihsalan Suchiang, to name a few. There were also many politicians who began their political careers fighting for regional interests but later joined national parties. Capt. W.A. Sangma, P.R. Kyndiah and Edwinson Bareh are some examples. However, the aforementioned doyens of regional politics remained committed to regionalism until the very end. These were people who genuinely understood regional politics and devoted their entire lives to promoting and strengthening it. Unfortunately, we are now witnessing the beginning of the end of political parties that once stood for these ideals.
The downfall of regional politics in the state can be attributed to the fact that regional parties no longer stand firmly for regional interests. Regionalism has become little more than a vehicle for acquiring power and status, while regional concerns are pushed to the back burner once politicians become MLAs. Under the pretext of having to participate in coalition politics, these so-called regional parties have gradually abandoned the very issues they claim to champion.
NDA: No place for
regionalism
One of the major mistakes made by the regional parties was their decision to become part of the MDA. Since the NPP is a member of the National Democratic Alliance, the regional parties in the MDA have, by default, also become part of the larger NDA political arrangement. In a country where politics is increasingly divided between two major alliances, Meghalaya has effectively been placed in the saffron camp, while states governed by parties belonging to the INDIA alliance are categorised as part of the opposing camp.
Regional parties in the NDA are like moths or fly attracted to the light of a candle. The inevitable outcome of such an attraction is that they risk getting burned. Everyone knows that the NDA is no place for regional ideals. NDA led by the BJP which is the political wing of the Sangh Parivar, promotes cultural nationalism which focuses on unifying the majority population through a common cultural framework, historical narratives, and civic priorities (such as cow protection, a Uniform Civil Code, and the promotion of Sanskrit over English).
One only has to look at the language used in official communications from the Central Government to the states. The changes introduced by the NDA, particularly in the naming of government schemes and projects, demonstrate a disregard for the interests of non-Hindi-speaking populations. For instance, many new schemes and projects have been given Hindi names without even providing an English translation of their meanings.
All India Radio has been renamed Akashvani, while the Indian Penal Code has been replaced by the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). Several new government schemes have also been given Hindi/Sanskrit names, including the Pradhan Mantri Viksit Gram Swaraj Yojana (PM VGSY), PM Dhan-Dhaanya Krishi Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Suryodaya Yojana, PM SVANidhi (Prime Minister Street Vendor's Atmanirbhar Nidhi), Ayushman Bharat/PM-JAY, and even the Viksit Bharat-Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025, popularly known as the VB-G RAM G Act. On many occasions, the word Bharat has replaced India in official communications. These changes have been introduced by the Central Government with little consideration for how they might alienate the non-Hindi-speaking population of the country.
Regional parties aligning themselves with the NDA, therefore, do not necessarily serve the interests of indigenous communities, who have always valued their distinctiveness and aspired to protect and promote their identities.
The masterstroke
by the eight
Coming back to the latest political developments in the state, the UDP has been at the receiving end of a series of political developments that have also created a stalemate within the MDA government. The collapse of the UDP has had far-reaching repercussions for political alignments and realignments in the state.
When the eight MLAs decided to split from the UDP and join the BJP, their supporters, in particular, hailed the move as a masterstroke. It certainly was a masterstroke for the BJP, which has increased its strength in the Assembly from two MLAs to ten. This is a significant milestone for the party in the state. The BJP has not only gained strength in the Assembly but is also expected to wield greater influence in the state by virtue of its leading role in the government at the Centre. The NPP is also part of the larger NDA political alliance. With the BJP's increased numbers in the Assembly, the party is expected to gain an upper hand in the political developments unfolding in the state.
Conrad's Catch-22
Three of the four remaining UDP MLAs subsequently decided to leave the party and join the NPP. This was another clever political move by Paul Lyngdoh, the leader of the faction. Ultimately, these defections appear to be driven by the pursuit of power and political status. For the MLAs involved, the question is simply: what is in it for them?
We are now witnessing a competition between the two groups of former UDP MLAs who have defected to different parties, each expecting to claim their share of the spoils. In Khasi, this is aptly described as "ka doh kyndang", or one's pound of flesh. All eyes are now on Conrad as he prepares to reshuffle his cabinet. The cards are in his hands, but whom will he choose to please: the BJP, which has gained eight additional MLAs or the new NPP members who defected from the UDP? And who will have to bear the consequences, the UDP, the HSPDP, or even ministers from his own party? Having benefited from the collapse of the UDP, Conrad now faces the problem of plenty.